Sarah Palin: An Outsider in the White House?

When John McCain announced half-term Alaska Governor Sarah Palin as his vice-presidential running mate, the American public let out a collective, “Who?” But small-government activists have been well-acquainted with Ms. Palin since at least two years ago, when she began her long-shot candidacy to defeat a corrupt governor from her own party.

Palin was a political outsider within Alaska—a state whose insiders are outsiders on the national scene. She has been described as a “libertarian Republican,” a “true fiscal conservative” and a “maverick,” but do any of these descriptions hold up to scrutiny?

Libertarian Republican?

Palin was endorsed by the Libertarian Party of Alaska in her 2006 bid for governor, and she went out of her way to thank the LP in her victory speech. As mayor of Wasilla, she reportedly spoke to two Libertarian Party meetings in 2004 and 2005. And in 2008, she had positive things to say about the presidential candidacy of libertarian icon Ron Paul. All of this has led the media to dub Sarah Palin a “libertarian Republican,” but is this an accurate classification?

Well, libertarians are generally thought to be liberal on social issues. To say Sarah Palin is a social conservative would be a bit of an understatement—she’s a tad to the right of Queen Isabella. Palin is anti-abortion, she opposes same-sex marriage and, ironically, as governor she endorsed abstinence-only sex education for Alaskan teens.

True Fiscal Conservative?

Okay, so Sarah Palin isn’t a libertarian by conventional standards, but is she a “true fiscal conservative”? Well, in 2007, she slashed the state budget by 10% and vetoed more than $268 million in spending bills. As the governor of a small state, Palin has been forced to make tough fiscal choices, and she “seems to operate from a small-government mindset,” says the Cato Institute’s Jeff Patch, who cautions that her record also features some economic “heresies.”

What are some of these “heresies”? As mayor of Wasilla, Palin raised taxes and still left the town $20 million in debt by the time she left office. As governor, she supported the infamous “Bridge to Nowhere,” a national symbol of the fiscal recklessness of the Republican Congress, although she eventually axed the project due to cost overruns. Palin signed a $1.5 billion tax hike on oil production, and worst of all, she has spoken favorably of the concept of “windfall profits taxes.”

Sarah Palin’s record on fiscal issues is a lot better than McCain’s and infinitely superior to either half of the Obama-Biden ticket, but is she a true fiscal conservative? Not unless you set the bar pretty low.

Maverick Outsider?

The biggest knock against Sarah Palin is that she lacks experience. But the founding fathers envisioned a nation governed by citizen-politicians a lot more like Palin than John McCain or Joe Biden. What have career politicians given us but a $10 trillion national debt, higher taxes and inflation and extra-constitutional monstrosities like the Patriot Act? There are plenty of people who think having a “maverick outsider” in the White House would be a good thing, but does Palin really fit the bill?

In addition to her support for and from the Libertarian Party, Palin and her husband have also flirted with the secessionist Alaska Independence Party. “Secession” is the ultimate dirty word to the political establishment, both left and right, so to the extent that she still has any sympathy for the AIP or its agenda, her claim of being an outsider has validity. But as popular libertarian and pro-secession blogger Lew Rockwell wrote, Palin’s GOP convention speech touted “nationalism, militarism, welfarism, and right-wing collectivism,” values entirely in line with the Republican Party mainstream.

A Vote for McCain Is a Vote for Palin?

John Adams, our first vice president, said this of his role in that office: “My country has in its wisdom contrived for me the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived.”

While it’s true that John McCain’s age and health history enhances the odds that Palin could become president in the next four years, banking on McCain’s death is a rather cynical strategy to employ in the voting booth. Realistically, a vote for McCain-Palin is a vote for McCain, and any impact that Palin might have on a McCain administration would be entirely at McCain’s discretion—Palin would in no way be a “check” on McCain unless he wanted her to be.

It could be argued that a McCain victory makes Palin the frontrunner in 2012 should McCain, as expected, choose not to seek re-election. This much is true, though one has to wonder how much of an outsider Palin would be after four years in the belly of the Washington beast. If she could somehow hold on to her integrity and values for an entire term as vice president, she would not only be a great candidate for president, she’d be a great candidate for sainthood.

The Libertarian Battle over Monetary Policy

“Libertarians are Republicans who smoke pot.” So goes the saying. And most Americans know little else about the Libertarian Party, America’s third largest, or the libertarian political philosophy. So when former Republican congressman Bob Barr announced his candidacy for the LP’s presidential nomination on May 12, the mainstream media assumed he was a shoo-in. After all, he was a Republican and now lobbies for the Marijuana Policy Project—how could someone better fit the popular definition?

But what the media failed to recognize is that many party members don’t consider libertarianism to be a branch of conservatism but, instead, its diametric opposite. These libertarians refused to embrace Barr and, instead, rallied behind the candidacy of party stalwart Mary Ruwart during the Libertarian National Convention on May 25. It took six ballots before Barr was finally able to win the party’s nomination with just over 51% of the vote, and the rift now between the “reformers” who backed Barr and the “radicals” who supported Ruwart is bitter—and largely economics related.

In Brian Doherty’s 2007 book Radicals for Capitalism, which chronicles the history of the libertarian movement, five figures are cited as essential: Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, Murray Rothbard and Ayn Rand. All but Rand were economists. And if we eliminate Rand, who was a philosopher, from the discussion (both Barr and Ruwart said she was their favorite philosopher during a debate), the four economists can be easily divided among the “reform” and “radical” camps—Hayek and Friedman to the reformers, Mises and Rothbard to the radicals. Monetary theory was the key difference between Hayek/Friedman and Mises/Rothbard, and this difference is a microcosm for the larger ideological divide within the Libertarian Party.

Two Different Sides…of the Same Coin?

Friedman, a hero to the reformers, was critical of the Federal Reserve System but not of fiat currency in general. Fiat currency is money that’s given value by government decree and “legal-tender” status—meaning people must accept it by law. The most popular alternative, commodity-backed currency, has usually been based on gold. Under a gold standard, paper notes may be redeemed for gold coins or bullion, and thus money is valued for the gold it represents. Friedman saw monetary gold as unproductive since resources were expended to mine gold out of the ground in one part of the world only to have it stored in underground bank vaults in another part of the world.

Rothbard, a disciple of von Mises and an early LP “radicalizer,” strongly disagreed. He supported the Austrian economist Carl Menger’s theory of the origin of money which stipulated that money came into being “organically” in the course of prehistoric barter. For example, a shoemaker and a butcher who wanted to make a trade would have a need for money if the butcher already had enough shoes. The butcher would be willing to accept an “exchange commodity” even if he didn’t want the particular commodity for himself because he knew he could trade it to someone else for something he did need.

Gold, in Menger’s theory, became the “most commonly accepted means of exchange” (i.e., money) due to its durability, divisibility, portability and homogeneity or sameness. Butter, by contrast, would not have been a good form of money since it is perishable and significant values of it would be hard to carry in one’s wallet. Diamonds would also make bad money since they aren’t easily divisible and vary widely in quality.

Closing the “Gold Window”

To Rothbard and others who believe in this origin theory, the governments of the world have played a sinister trick on their citizens. People only accept U.S. dollars because they had value yesterday. Trace things back far enough, and you’ll get to August 15, 1971. The day before that, the dollar was convertible into gold. But on that day, President Nixon closed the “gold window,” making the U.S. dollar a purely fiat currency.

People still accept the dollar, according to Rothbard, because they’ve been conditioned to do so. But a fiat currency could never arise naturally in the marketplace. Thus, the U.S. monetary system, based on the fiat dollar, is fraudulent and, according to Rothbard and his followers, designed to redistribute wealth from the poor and working people to the rich and politically connected. This “principled populism” is a far cry from right-wing conservatism which is often labeled as being for Big Business and against the poor and laboring classes.

Ron Paul, the maverick Republican congressman and former 2008 presidential candidate, was a disciple of Rothbard and Mises and was himself the Libertarian Party’s presidential nominee in 1988. Both the reformers and the radicals of the LP claim Paul as one of their own. But he has made a career of criticizing the Federal Reserve and advocating a return to gold as money. With the reform wing’s victory over the radicals this election year, the LP’s presidential ticket will likely be silent on this issue.

Reformers wish to deal with the “practical,” just as Friedman and Hayek, both Nobel laureates, did. The radicals hold fast to principles no matter the political cost, much like Mises and Rothbard. But as the U.S. dollar continues on a seemingly perpetual slide, the radical position of abolishing the Fed and restoring the gold standard is looking more and more like a practical reform.