On Wealth Inequality

Inequality is bad for growth, stability and efficiency. … Inequality peaked both before the Great Depression and before the Great Recession, and it’s not an accident. So basically, when we have a lot of inequality, demand goes down. … All this inequality was offset by creating a bubble. The bubble allowed people to consume more. Now we have the inequality but we don’t have a bubble, and that means that we will have persistent, weak demand, and therefore unless we create another bubble it’s going to be very difficult for us to get back to full employment.

A lot of the inequality that we have in the United States is created by distortions – excessive financial sector, monopolies like Microsoft … giving the oil companies, mining companies resources at a discount. … These things distort the economy, while they create wealth at the top. So it’s not wealth creation – it’s wealth redistribution, which makes the size of the pie smaller.

In a materialist sense, no two people are equal. We each have differing physiques, talents, interests, motivations, limits, and abilities. As such, even if given perfect equality of opportunity, it is reasonable that we would never have equality of outcome. Thus, there will always be some level of inequality among human beings. This is perfectly natural, and entirely unavoidable, no matter how many Marxist revolutions try to say otherwise.

That said, there is something to Joseph Stiglitz’s observation that this degree of inequality is economically detrimental. Stiglitz is undoubtedly better versed on the subject of inequality than I am, but I wonder if his tendency to view these sorts of matter through the mainstream economics lens handicaps him, and so I disagree with his assertion that radical inequality causes economic decline. I theorize that it merely correlates with economic decline. As Stiglitz noted, there are many economic distortions caused by the federal government, and these economic distortions have a nasty habit of benefiting the wealthy, politically connected elite.

As such, there should be an inherent distrust of radical inequality, and it should be coupled with a suspicion that the wealthy are trying to use the government to exploit everyone. This is a fairly common occurrence in the world today, and has been the historical norm. Businessmen,* therefore, are no more deserving of trust than politicians because both groups are human, and are more or less equally susceptible to the vices that have plagued humans for millennia: greed, lust, and hunger for power. Therefore, any time inequality is present to a radical degree, it should be suspected that the wealthy elite are in cahoots with the government to enrich themselves.**

* Caveat no. 1: “businessmen” is not synonymous with “free market.” I fully support the free market because it is an inherently trustworthy process. Even though the market may be an implicitly trustworthy process, it does not follow that its participants are.

** While we should suspect collusion, we should not assume it. We should merely check to see if businessmen are, in fact, colluding with politicians for the purpose of self-enrichment. If they are, we should demand that said collusion be brought to an end. And if they are not, we should get over our envy.

Forbes: Tax Shelter from Hell - U.S. Steel Tower in Pittsburgh

I was going to label this ‘Beyond grad school public finance’, but I thought that would make folks’ eyes glaze over.  So this is one of those convoluted policy things in Pennsylvania that make it too hard to figure out what side you are even on.  The angles and implications of this are so wound up that the public can’t make sense of it, nor even notice.  Yet the $ implications for city, state and taxpayer are huge…. and according to this piece the world should notice when it comes to investing in Pennsylvania I guess.

So, I get ahead of myself. First try and get through this from Forbes last week:  The Tax Shelter from Hell – U.S. Steel Tower in Pittsburgh

So remember the Steel Building’s recent sheriff sale/transfer that generated no transfer tax revenue for the City of Pittsburgh? We’ve addressed that a bunch here in the past.  Some are trying to plug this particular loophole I read, though there are others to address as well.  Any progress there??? Becoming a bigger and bigger issue since by all accounts the commercial real estate market is heating up.

So what I get out of this begins with the observation that the state may in fact have a real incentive to not fix the tax loopholes that prevented the city and school district from getting the transfer tax they could get from a real estate transaction like this.  Structuring this as a sheriff sale transaction prevented the city and school district from getting transfer tax revenue, but may have resulted in the state being able to collect real tax $$ that they would not have otherwise been able to get.  Or so I think, I have to admit this is all a bit beyond me as well. What I think it is saying is basically everyone loses on the sheriff sale tax loophole in the transfer tax… everyone except for the state itself.  And along the way they may provide a disincentive to investment across PA along the way.  But to be clear, I am not sure on any of that.  Sounds like even the tax lawyers don’t quite agree on any of this.  Still a multi-million dollar a year issue for the city of Pittsburgh that gets far less attention than things worth orders of magnitude less.

Anyway… lots of stuff in that worth reading.  Thought I guess it is only for a certain jaded reader.  Note that the original Forbes article there which came almost a week ago has had zero tweets.

Nothing new in macroeconomic methodology? (wonkish)

Simon Wren Lewis who is a professor of economics at Oxford University has an interesting piece (hat tip: Mark Thoma) on the distinction and choice between micro founded macroeconomic models and top-down models such as the IS/LM (Keynesian) or other variants such as Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).

I think this is an interesting discussion and I have penned my own thoughts on microfoundations in macroeconomics here. Mr Lewis is balanced but seems to be on Paul Krugman’s side (by and large) who has been devastating in his critique of modern macroeconomics especially in the wake of the financial crisis.

For good order, my own views are summarized in the following snippet.

Two obvious questions impose themselves at this point. One is whether the use of representative agents in macroeconomics has something, in general, to do with the recent soul searching among macroeconomists and the critique against the profession. And the second is whether the study of macroeconomics and demographics in particular calls for the non-use of representative agent modelling.

On the first I don’t necessarily think that it exists to the detriment of macroeconomics as a discipline, but I do think that a couple of points need mention. First of all I will echo the point made in Hartley (1997) that given the widespread use of representative agent modelling in almost all corners of macroeconomics and the almost religious devotion to it in graduate and PhD economics I think it is highly problematic that we have not had a more serious debate of its methodological merits. I would emphasize this in particular in the context of the fact that the use of representative agents leads to very inflexible (although rigorous) mathematical models and the blind faith in these models tend to steer macroeconomics onto a very narrow methodological path. During my research and initial ground work for the thesis I actually did write my own representative agent model to suit my specific agenda, but found in the end that I was paying more tribute to the laws of calculus than the connection between ageing and capital flows/open economy dynamics and as I set up the problem I ended up very close to the original benchmark problem.

It is interesting in this respect that Mr. Lewis spends quite a bit of time to come up with a name for what he calls the alternative to traditionally micro founded general equilibrium models (in either dynamic or static form). It seems that despite the fact that such “ad-hoc” models have been around for a long time, we have been able to come up with a name for them. Here is Mr Lewis.

The issue I want to discuss now is very specific. What is the role of the ‘useful models’ that Blanchard and Fischer discuss in chapter 10? Can Krugman’s claim that they can be more useful than micro founded models ever be true? I will try to suggest that it could be, even if we accept the proposition (which I would not) that the micro foundations approach is the only valid way of doing macroeconomics. If you think this sounds like a contradiction in terms, read on. The justification I propose for useful models is not the only (and may not be the best) justification for them, but it is perhaps the one that is most easily seen from a micro foundations perspective.

For those un-initiated in the taxonomy of modern economic teaching this will seem odd. But it isn’t.

I would venture the claim then that the general Keynesian framework of IS/LM (or “curve shifting” models in general) is still seen as an undergraduate tool or a tool for business students with little or no foundation in mathematics. If this is the informed view of the economics profession as a whole (which I think it is) then there is certainly no need to elevate such models to the honour of being alternatives to conducting real and serious micro founded macroeconomics. At this point, the sarcasm is obvious I hope.

The general equilibrium framework in its dynamic form with dynamic programming problems and sophisticated econometric methodology to estimate the optimized equations is largely outside the scope for most people. As a result, the ivory tower in which many (if not most) academic economists do their research serves as an incubator for skepticism (even pity) towards those who might have the audacity to argue that what they are doing is wrong. Indeed, I would argue that despite signs that a genuine critique towards micro- and pure mathematical founded economics has emerged, the general trend is still one of “physics envy” in economics.

Hence, the debate for and against micro founded models very quickly turns into a discussion between those who do not understand the language of modern macroeconomics and those who do. Obviously, in Mr Lewis’ case this is not the case. Indeed, the financial crisis seems to have given birth to a growing critique from within the macroeconomic research community towards blind reliance on the micro founded framework. Krugman’s piece from 2009 (linked above) is already a classic example of the anti-thesis, but there have been others.

Buiter had a go in relation to monetary economics back in 2009;

Charles Goodhart, who was fortunate enough not to encounter complete markets macroeconomics and monetary economics during his impressionable, formative years, but only after he had acquired some intellectual immunity, once said of the Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium approach which for a while was the staple of central banks’ internal modelling: “It excludes everything I am interested in”. He was right.; It excludes everything relevant to the pursuit of financial stability.

Menzie Chinn from Econbrowser did a useful overview of the initial flurry (see also the Economist) as well and ended up arguing that the “modern macroeconomic apparatus” should not be jettisoned. Indeed, Mr Chinn points out (using his own experience) that his own PhD experience was not doctrinate. I believe him of course, but I would still argue that right from the early steps as an undergraduate those who do not devote considerable time and effort into making their research proposals on the basis mathematically rigorous micro founded models may find their chance of proceeding as academics diminished.

In my own work as an economist which centers on demographics and economics the issue on micro foundations is acute. The life cycle framework (or even the Permanent Income Hypothesis) are both micro founded models which have been widely used to form aggregate models. But we also know that many of the most obvious conclusions from such exercises are untrue (e.g. the extent of dissaving as a population ages). Perhaps these inconsistencies with economic realities can be explained on the micro level (and I certainly think we should try to address them there), but there is also a need for a pure macroeconomic theory of how population dynamics affect complex macroeconomic processes.

On the state of macroeconomics itself, an colleague once told me that economics was fine mainly because it stuck to doing what it did best. I only conditionally agree. Learning economics is a brilliant way to cultivate a sharp mind and it is also offers a reasonably good framework to make sense of the processes which govern society and human behavior. However, the way economics is often narrated as sub-discipline of math and physics is unfortunate. I am all for quantitative analysis and use it every day in my own work (mainly empirical work), but I would think that the reason Mr Lewis finds it difficult to come up with a name of the alternative to mainstream macroeconomics is precisely because such an alternative does not currently exist. That is a pity.

Economic Events on March 5, 2012

At 10:00 AM Eastern time, the Factory Orders report for January will be released.  The consensus is that there was a decrease of 1.6% in orders from the previous month.

Also at 10:00 AM Eastern time, the ISM non-manufacturing index for February will be released.  The consensus estimate is that it decreased by 0.8 points to a value of 56.0, but will continue to signal economic growth as it remains above the mid-point of 50.