By B.P.T., on January 19th, 2011
The Mortgage Bankers’ Association purchase index was released at 7:00 AM EST, and there was a week to week decrease of 1.9% in the Purchase Index and a week to week increase of 7.7% in the Refinance Index.
At 7:45 AM EST, the weekly ICSC-Goldman Store Sales report will be released, giving an update on the health of the consumer through this analysis of retail sales.
At 8:30 AM EST, the Housing Starts report for December will be released. The consensus is that construction on 550,000 new homes were started last month, which would be an decrease of 5,000 from November.
At 8:55 AM EST, the weekly Redbook report will be released, giving us more information about consumer spending.
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By Thomas Knapp, on January 18th, 2011
To whom it may concern:
The United States Congress is currently engaged in one of its periodic debates over raising the “debt ceiling” (the total amount of money it “allows” itself to be in debt for).
I’m nearly 100% certain that Congress will “allow” itself to borrow more money.
If you’re thinking about loaning them some of that money, though, you might want to reconsider.
The collateral underlying US government debt is the notion that I’ll pay you back the money they borrowed.
Three words: Ain’t Gonna Happen.
If 435 US Representatives, 100 US Senators and a US President borrow money from you, then so far as I’m concerned they’re the ones who get to pay you back.
Those 536 individuals are already extended to the tune of $14 trillion, or (math in my head time) somewhere in the general neighborhood of $25 billion each.
If you think that those 536 people have, on average, assets worth in excess of $25 billion to collateralize/cover their existing debt, with stuff left over to make you comfortable that they’ll pay back new debt, by all means loan them all the money you’re comfortable loaning them.
If you think I’m going to pick up their check, though, let me repeat myself, just so you can’t claim later that you were unaware of it: Ain’t Gonna Happen. I didn’t borrow the money, they did. I’m not going to pay it back, which means that either they’re going to have to pay it back themselves or that it isn’t going to be paid back (three guesses which one).
So you might want to look into legitimate investment opportunities instead of the US government’s fly-by-night scams. I’m just sayin’ …
By Ajay Shah, on January 18th, 2011
Frictionless payments are an important contributor to India’s growth story. Cash is costly for everyone in the system: for the central banker, banks, businesses, and individuals. Yet, we are far away from a mass adoption of electronic payments.
For electronic payments to take off, it is essential to have a bridge between the world of physical and electronic money, allowing seamless conversion between the two. Until recently, this could only be done at banks or ATMs. Various developments over the last year have greatly expanded the number of entities that can now offer such services:
- July 2009, Cash withdrawal at point-of-sale guidelines: As a step towards enhancing customer convenience, RBI allowed cash withdrawals at point-of-sale terminals with debit cards.
- April 2010, Report of the Inter Ministerial Group on the Delivery of Basic Financial Services using mobile phones: This group chaired by the Secretary, DIT and included, among others, representatives from Department of Financial Services, Department of Posts, Ministry of Rural Development, Planning Commission, UID Authority of India, TRAI, RBI, Department of Telecom and the Home Ministry. It suggested a nationwide payments architecture that consisted of a simple centralized account hosting platform as a national infrastructure, full interoperability among payments providers, standards based
biometric point of sale terminals, and standards based mobile payments.
- April 2010, From Exclusion to Inclusion with micropayments: The UIDAI published a strategy document
on micropayments, which provides a detailed framework for biometrically authenticated transactions, as recommended by the IMG. The National Payments Corporation of India has developed an interoperability switch for Aadhaar and mobile based
transactions as recommended in the IMG report. Both, Visa and Mastercard have also adopted this framework.
- June 2010, Harnessing the India Post Network for financial inclusion: This report was jointly commissioned and produced by Department of Posts, Department of Financial Services, Department of Economic Affairs and Invest India Economic Foundation. It recommended a framework similar to that recommended by the IMG; that of a low-cost account hosting platform and cultivating a payments ecosystem by allowing partners to access its physical and electronic payments
network for a fee.
- September 2010, Financial Inclusion by Extension of Banking Services – Use of Business Correspondents (BCs): BC guidelines have existed for a while, but RBI recently relaxed the rules for the entities that can act as BCs. These new guidelines allow for-profit companies (except NBFCs) also to become BCs. This appears like a small change but it has had far-reaching consequences.
Over these two years, we have a vivid sense about electronic payments making the grade, from a vaguely posed idea for the deep
future to something that is tangibly around the corner. Each of these elements appears to be small in isolation, but the link from public policy developments to outcomes is like a butterfly effect.
These developments have important ramifications for mass adoption of retail electronic payments and financial inclusion. Banks, recognizing the importance of new regulation, have partnered with telcos with retail networks. This allows for the telco to leverage its network of talk-time retailers as BC sub-agents, and to also offer mobile payments between bank accounts. A flurry of announcements has happened recently: SBI-Airtel, ICICI-Vodafone, Axis-Idea, and more will certainly follow.
As much as these announcements are exciting, they raise some worrisome questions. The biggest question is interoperability. If the country is going to have a network of a million BC outlets, shouldn’t a customer of any bank be able to use any outlet, much like they can use any ATM? Shouldn’t a customer of one bank-telco partnership be able to send money to a customer of another bank-telco partnership effortlessly?
Network effects are essential for mass adoption of electronic payments. After all, regulations today allow a person with a debit
card to withdraw cash over an interoperable network of point-of-sale terminals.
Banks and telcos are unlikely to want interoperability; to justify investments, gain customers, and want them to stick. Perhaps the
regulator ought to take a firm stand on the issue. A good balance may be to ensure that the products are designed to be interoperable with some uniformity of customer experience, but offer an interoperability holiday for the first two years.
By B.P.T., on January 18th, 2011
At 8:30 AM EST, the Empire State manufacturing index for January will be released. The consensus is that the index value will be 14, which would be an increase of over 3.4 points from December, after an increase of almost 20 points last month.
At 9:00 AM EST, the Treasury International Capital report for November will be released, showing the flow of capital in and out of the United States economy.
At 10:00 AM EST, the Housing Market Index for January will be announced. This index is created from a survey of home builders, so it shows the confidence that the sector has in the overall economy and their business.
By Rok Spruk, on January 17th, 2011
The question of the artificial states has recently been brought up by the referendum in Southern Sudan on whether the southern part of the country should declare political independence from the northern part of the country. An article in New York Times (link) succintly discussed few notable fact-checked evidence of the increasing ethnic, political and economic North-South division within the country. As a single country, Sudan performed terribly in development outcomes. According to CIA World Factbook (link), the country suffers from high rates of extreme poverty and illiteracy. For instance, the official share of population below poverty line is estimated at 40 percent – almost twice the average of North African states. In addition to poor development outcomes, the country is plagued by significant political and ethnic fragmentation into largely Muslim, Arab-speaking north and predominantly Christain, English-speaking south. The political independence of South Sudan is the only contemporary evidence of the re-establishment of land borders alongside the ethnic division.
In the recent paper entitled Artificial States, Alberto Alesina, William Easterly and Janina Matuszeski presented two formal measures of artificial states. Aside from the measure of ethnic division, the authors constructed the measure of straightness of border lines. The hypothesis suggests that squiggly geographic border lines separate the states alongside the ethnic division. On the contrary, straight border lines suggest increase the probability of the emergence of artificial states plagued by ethnic and linguistic fractioning. The authors presented the empirical evidence, suggesting that fractional land borders are highly correlated with the GDP per capita. In addition, the share of ethnically partitioned population within the country is systematically decreasing the GDP per capita in cross-country comparison. The intuitive ideas behind the empirical evidence suggest that at the end of colonial period, colonizers that set straight borderlines between the emerging countries incured significant economic cost to newly formed African countries in terms of lost GDP. The evidence from Alesina-Easterly-Matuszeski study suggest that a 1 percentage point increase in the fraction of country’s population belonging to groups partitioned by the border would decrease the GDP per capita by 1.3 percent. On the other hand, countries with squiggly geographic borderlines enjoy significantly higher GDP per capita.
The post-colonial period in Sudan was characterized by two civil wars which outbroke in 1972 and 1983. In 1956, Sudan gained the political independence from Great Britain. Contemporary borderlines were predominantly determined by the colonial authorities in African states prior to the wave of independence of many African nations. The emergence of the artificial states is rather a consequence of poor colonial policies than of high bargaining cost of ethnic groups within the country in setting country borderlines. Hence, the economic effects of colonial legacy can persist over time. Consider the evidence from Cameroon. The country was originally colonized by Germany. During the World War I, Northern Cameroon was occupied by Germany while the rest of the country was colonized by the French. Between 1916 and 1960, the country was a unique experiment of how the establishment of the institutional setting of European countries affects domestic development outcomes. A recent study by Alexander Lee and Kenneth Schultz (link) suggests that in the areas formerly occupied by the British enjoy higher levels of wealth and improved access to clean water while the rest of the rural country, after having been colonized by the French, suffers from significantly hindered access to clean water and worse provision of public goods. Even though the colonial patterns do not apply to urban areas, lessons from Cameroon suggest that the impact of post-independence public policies and colonial legacy on the level of wealth is of the same importance even when linguistic and ethnic fragmentation persists over time.
In spite of considerable degree of inefficiency, the persistence of inefficient and ethnically fragmented states is continuously marked by poor economic and development outcomes, often accompanied by civil-war conflicts such as military violence and genocide by the Sudanese army in Darfur. An interesting theory has been recently put forth by Daron Acemoglu, Davide Ticchi and Andrea Vindigni (link) who suggest that rich political elites seize state capture and democratic politics by expanding the size of bureaucracy. Hence, to gain political support, the coalition of elites chooses an inefficient structure and organization of the state.
The phenomenon of artificial states is not abridged to least-developed countries and developing world. Even in the group of advanced countries, several countries emerged despite a considerable degree of linguistic, ethnic and cultural fractioning within country borders. The evidence from Switzerland suggests that a continuous transition to a peaceful and stable democracy is possible. Amid highly fragmented linguistic and cultural characteristics such as four official languages and the persistence of GDP per capita divergence between high-income German cantons and low-income French cantons, Switzerland is characterized by envious political stability and economic performance. The genuine feature of federal political system is a consistent fiscal decentralization such as jurisdictional competition between units within the federalized structure in various areas such as taxation, regulation, health care etc. Hence, a decentralized fiscal structure and division of powers require a limited federal government and a high degree of autonomy within the federation. Thus, despite a multilingual population, the Swiss model of federalism is marked by political stability, peace and prosperity.
The phenomenon of artificial states in advanced countries is not confined to Switzerland itself. What distinguishes the Swiss model of federalism from centralist political systems in its neighboring countries is a high degree of political autonomy in Swiss cantons. Competition between jurisdictions within the federation nonetheless generates different economic outcomes. However, the outcomes generated by jurisdictional competition preclude adverse effects caused by either state capture of democratic politics or redistributive taxation between jurisdictions. In Switzerland, cantons with favorable public policies such as low tax rates on labor and capital, sound regulation and competitive provision of health care, have enjoyed persistently higher levels of wealth compared to cantons in the rest of the country. Of course, the coexistence of diverse ethnic and lingual groups within the single state requires common values, integrated into formal institutions.
Contrary to common perception, the artificial state may not be characterized exclusively by ethnic and linguistic fragmentation. To a large extent, Germany and Belgium could be classifed as artificial states. In Belgium, Flemish-speaking north of the country consistently outperformed French-speaking south on various indicators and outcomes, including income per capita, international test scores and employment-to-population ratio. The political and linguistic division of Belgium into high-income Flemish part and less developed French part reflects the essential dilemma of artificial states – should a single country with fragmented and heterogeneous population be abandoned and whether ethnicity borders should represent country borderlines. In fact, linguistic fragmentation of Belgium to the extent that Flemish and French part of the country adopted different administrative and education systems, led to persistent inability of two majorities to form a government. In 2007, The Economist opined that Belgium should cease to exist. The unification of Germany (Wiedervereinigung) integrated two parts of the country with vastly different institutional setting into a single political unity. However, Eastern and Western Germany were known for completely different political and economic system. The unification has incured many adverse effects. A significant difference in wage and price levels between East Germany and West Germany caused continuous migration of East German labor into West Germany, thus decreasing the productivity growth in East Germany. Consequently, the unification of the country led to the adoption of West Germany level of prices and wages in Eastern part of the new country. The artificial increase in price-wage level increased the unemployment rate in Eastern Germany to double-digit level, not least triggered brain-drain and capital flight. Hence, the unification of Germany as an artificial state resulted in persistent income per capita divergence between high-income West Germany and low-income East Germany. The unification of Germany into a single country should indeed never happen. In fact, adverse effects of the unification on East German productivity and wages would not lead to continuous increase in unemployment rate. If East Germany maintained a high degree of political autonomy, the transition to market economy would not be restrained by the adoption of West German price-wage level that could not be sustained by low productivity level in East Germany. To avoid the pitfalls of the artificial states, West and East Germany would be better off, had the countries never been reunified.
Recent national referendum in South Sudan on whether the southern part of the country should declare political independence from Sudan again pondered over the persistence of artificial states. The empirical evidence on poor development outcomes in several African countries suggests that borderlines, disregarding the ethnic distribution of the population within the country, are highly correlated with low income per capita. The unique solution of the artificial states is the adoption of political federalism. Under fiscal decentralization and limited government, federalism enables peaceful and prosperous existence of fragmented ethnic and linguistic structure in a single state. For instance, former Yugoslavia, known for highly fragmented ethnic, linguistic and economic disparities, ceased to exist not because federalism would not be a genuine political system but, ultimately, because of severe economic mismanagement, powerful and centralized government that disdained the principles of political autonomy and market economy, causing severe hyperinflation and the collapse of the federation that eventually resulted in a decade of civil wars and military violence. The evidence from Yugoslavia suggests that between 1950 and 1990, drastic economic divergence occurred. The lesson suggests that the essential condition for the efficiency of federalism as a political system is high political autonomy and fiscal decentralization, both of which enable the competition between public policies.
Amid linguistic fragmentation, the competition between jurisdictions rewards competitive public policies by higher income per capita which ultimately boost the inception of public policies in less developed parts of the federation. Hence, without jurisdictional competition and political autonomy, ethnic and linguistic fragmentation of the country may ultimately result in political instability which, in addition, generates poor economic outcomes.
By Christopher Briem, on January 17th, 2011
So there is and isn’t lots of Marcellus news floating around. A lot, but most has been written before in other formats…. but on it goes.
Trib has today: Low natural gas prices no boon for shale. PG had related article yesterday: Shale gas affecting industry’s pricing
Yet Forbes has this: Chesapeake Could Be $30 Stock, Shale Reserves Are Huge
Yin and Yang?
On the state of Pennsylvania policy on this, really worth a read is this from the (Towanda-Sayre) Daily Review: Sen. Yaw introduces Marcellus Shale legislation. Note the section on the proposal for the state to merely ‘allow’ localities to use value of reserves is calculating property value and property taxes. If the MSC was mad at the city of Pittsburgh, they must just hate anyone proposing anything like that.
Why would localities ever want property tax to reflect shale value? Well, it looks like some Pennsylvania counties are having a hard time even funding their state-mandated hazmat teams. No growing need for those I suppose.
Beyond PA wassup?
Industry exec in Dallas says: Natural gas prices’ wild ride is over, Atmos Energy chairman says
Speaking of Dallas… everyone likes to tout how Fort Worth is an American city that allows drilling inside its city limits. Nobody ever mentions how much less dense Fort Worth is than say Pittsburgh. But what I didn’t realize is that even if Fort Worth is ok with it all, Dallas isn’t. Few mention that.
Marcellus drilling is extending into Maryland.
and while virtually nothing is impeding Marcellus Shale drilling in Pennsylvania, New York continues its virtually complete moratorium. Here is a quote in a Buffalo News story yesterday:
“It’s so frustrating, losing people to Pennsylvania,”
Just to begin with. Think about that statement some next time you hear folks talk about the bad business climate in Pennsylvania. Is the economy in North Central PA booming compared to upstate New York? It’s not quite obvious in unemployment stats. We will have to keep an eye out if any migration stats ever back that claim up. Do the movement into man-camps count though?
Speaking of Pennylvania and policy. Johnstown Tribune Democrat the other day: State officials are no-shows for Marcellus forum
Anyway… just doing my bit to keep the social media consultants employed.. if there are no blog comments on the whole Marcellus thing, the contracts may not continue. If you ask my thoughts on some of it, the price of natural gas is really the center of it all. And if you have been around long enough you know that few folks who claim to predict future energy prices ever ever get it right. Dire warnings of price escalation have been followed by price collapses and stable periods have seen spikes appear out of nowhere. The emergence of Marcellus Shale is itself just one small (or huge dependng on your perspective) datapoint in the unpredictability of energy markets. I used to love talking to the small energy derivatives desk at Lehman when I was there… then one day out of the blue they were all let go. Why? The energy markets in the very early 90’s were so stable that it just wasn’t an easy play to make money off of… especially when you had all these other fun new derivative markets exploding. Note the use of the term ‘explode’ probably changes in that context over the coming years.
In a sense there is a huge speculation going on in all energy development in that it depends. Here we are in the middle of a cold-enough winter and generally speaking natural gas prices are below the basement of the range of prices most natural gas developers were pitching to their investors. You would think something has to give.. Then you hear others say things like “Prices are at 15 year lows” with the implication they will rebound. Lots of money has been lost waiting for that reversion to the mean to eventually set in. The belief that prices will eventually have to revert to what their long term trend or pattern has been is the logic fundamentially that first did in LTCM, and later much of the CDO market.
For the intermediate term.. Natural gas is not quite like other commodities. I think I will agree with Duquesne’s Kent Moors who has an article on “seeking alpha” where he points out that the issue is storing the gas.
Then there is coal.. gotta talk about coal. Later.
By Claus Vistesen, on January 17th, 2011
It would have been hard to believe only a few weeks ago that the euro zone could be the source of any good news let alone news to help push the market forward. Yet, with last week’s successful bond auctions and the pledge of international superpowers such as Japan and China to buy Euro zone debt and the ECB’s sudden more hawkish tones, the obvious question is; are we out the woods yet?
Hardly, but it was interesting to observe the almost coy manner in which the ECB slowly but surely began the move towards contemplating to think about raising interest rates. We are not there yet of course, and I still think that any hike in the ECB’s refi rate are, for now, confined Weber’s dreams and a very distant playbook sitting around somewhere on the lower levels in the Frankfurt tower. But let us be honest, stranger things have happened than the ECB raising rates just before the next downturn. Indeed, you might even call this a leading indicator.
In the meantime, the patchwork which is the Euro zone rescue/bail-out/backstopping mechanism is frantically being sown together. Barclay’s Capital collected the following from the market drums in terms of modifications to the hybrid (EFSF) already in place;
He [commissioner Oli Rehn] indicated that various options would be discussed among European policymakers but that it was too early to comment on this in more detail. However, Rehn mentioned that one modification could be related to the rate charged on EFSF loans, with a view to reduce those. Other media reports suggest this could also include the provision of short-term credits to euro area member countries requesting support, the purchase of government bonds through the EFSF, or a change of collateral rules to boost the fund’s effective lending ceiling.
A lot of things on the menu then it seems, but the most important question is really that no one has talked about yet; as Jack Barnes points out;
The system has reached the stage that a bankrupt sovereign state is issuing debt to buy bonds in a vehicle that is tasked with buying debt from a bankrupt Sovereign state that is no longer able to go to market. Folks this is reaching the level of a Monty Python skit.
This brings up a serious question not seen answered in the public yet.Who is ultimately responsible for the bonds that the rescue fund is going to be selling as AAA investments? Whose AAA balance sheet is guarantying these bonds that will be sold to investors like Japan?
So, apart from the obvious issue of issuing more debt to pay off the debt used to finance the debt of bankrupt sovereigns, there is a question of what exactly it is China and Japan will be buying. I am willing to give the EU some benefit of the doubt here especially since I have long been a strong advocate of issuing Euro bonds. But then, these are not Euro bonds as such, but rather instruments used to capitalise a fund which, as Jack Barnes succinctly notes, is in dire need of a capital injection even before it has deployed a single euro of capital. Obviously, the EFSF was created as an attempt to ring fence the problem in the periphery and thus to hedge against a future blow-up . But this always missed the point in the sense that we didn’t really need a bailout fund, but a rather a structural change in the way we perceive and organize the link between fiscal and monetary policy in the euro zone. As traders like to remind newcomers to the business, hedges are things you buy at a B&Q, not at your broker.
The EFSF could conceivably bailout a large part of the inflicted economies, but then there was always going to be Spain not to speak of Italy which it cannot deal with. On that note, it was eye-wateringly embarrassing to hear both the Spanish finance minister and the Portguese prime minister daftly using their respective “successful” bond auctions to note that neither of the their respective economies were going to need any form of bailout simply because they don’t need it!
This is then not to play down what was a long awaited successful event in the context of the European debt crisis which I unilaterally applaud (and hope for more to come) it is merely my attempt to put things a little into perspective. In this light, the gradually more hawkish tone by the ECB could be be seen as a little bit of stick to show economies that while we are here to help, we are also here to do our job which is to protect the purchasing power of all the euro zone citizenry. This may of course be waffle, but the ECB has long had a legitimate problem with simply playing the game in the form of providing liquidity and and even buying up peripheral bonds while playing into inability and flatfootedness of euro zone policy makers. Naturally, my bet is that we have only seen the nascent moves of what will become a full fledged measure of QE by the ECB and much more aggressive buying of sovereign bonds (simply because they have to), but this does not mean that policy makers can simply ignore the facts as they are presented by economic data and common sense.
But I might just be too harsh here and all it might be me who are behind the curve as those very same policy makers are now moving ahead of the curve in the form of, allegedly, a two-front attack on the situation with a bail-out of Portugal and a full euro zone backstop to whatever black hole the Spanish banking sector might turn out to be. Especially this last bit is interesting because it coincides with the news (albeit not fully confirmed and digested by the analysts) that Spain would stand ready to inject a hefty sum of money to shore up its banking system.
Here is Tracy Alloway from the FT Alphaville;
Just as the European Central Bank announced that Spanish bank borrowing resumed its upward trajectory last month (€70bn in December, up from €64.5bn in November) El Confidencial is reporting that Spain is preparing a massive capital injection of between €30 and €80bn to clean up the cajas, or local savings banks.
Having long been the twenty thousand pound elephant in the china shop this is indeed something worth noting more than in passing. Going into perma bear mode I am thinking about Ireland and the sudden reversal of a relatively good sovereign who was brought to its knees by its promise to see through the bailout of its financial sector. The point is that Spain is structurally similar with high private debt, and relatively low sovereign debt and while Ireland was probably going to hit the canvas in any case, its situation got worse by the ongoing quibble about what euro zone bailout funds could be used for. Specifically, the explicit refusal to allow the funds to bail out banks put the whole Irish situation in a tight spot although it was eventually an academic demarcation as the two got fused through the dreaded Irish government guarantee to backstop its largest banks.
So, I am carefully assuming that whatever Spain is brewing on here they have the potential firepower of the euro zone in the back. I have passed on this notion to a friend of mine much closer to the Spanish situation (guess who!) and here are the main points;
1) This is only the cajas, there will then need to be more for the banks (somehow). In fact, once the political argument is settled, the thing is much easier in the cajas case, since because they can’t go to the market with shares, the only thing to do is semi nationalise them, and then refloat later.
2) This then will be the first de facto step of Spain into the arms of the EFSF, since obviously the Spanish sovereign won’t be able to fund the injection (at least not at viable interest rates). Spain should be in completely between May and August.
As such, if it is part of a general euro zone backstop to the Spanish financial system it may be quite a move (and also as noted a sea change since all the quibble on Ireland concerning the use of bailouts would be presumably have been put in the past). I emphasize this since the clock is ticking and the same momumental structural challenges lie ahead even if one country’s successful bond auction may seem to have changed the situation for a while.
As such it might be worth having a look at those fundamentals of the euro zone again and what the proposed (and inevitable) correction mechanism presents in terms of challenges.
Remember the Catch 22
Structurally then we are still faced with the same seemingly irreconcilable issues in the form of imposing internal devaluations, fiscal austerity and returning to economic growth all at the same time from within a currency union. I have called this the catch 22 of euro zone imbalances not least in relation to the idea of a debt snowball;
[...] the forces which have lead to the build-up of imbalances are joined at the hip with the same forces which make it almost impossible to correct from within the Euro zone. Specifically the idea of a debt snowball effect is a good way to show why it will be almost impossible for some economies to correct their external imbalances without an explosive evolution in government debt and since they need to correct external competitiveness issues in order to achieve economic growth, the whole thing turns into a vice and essentially a catch 22.
It is consequently, the rapid deterioration in the private and public debt dyanmics which euro zone policy makers and the IMF are so concerned with and thus trying hard to backstop and reverse. But it might not be so easy as to focus entirely austerity since debt dynamics are also driven by your ability to grow.
At this point you may rightfully wonder then what the hell a debt snowball looks like? Well, why don’t I show you then (see this paper for the model).
Now, in any economic model we need assumptions and instead of feeding in any of the forecasts for the periphery (which are hugely uncertain) let me take the point of view in a model economy with somewhat better fundamentals than many of the peripheral economies. As you shall see, the initial condition matters less than the underlying dynamics for creating a debt snowball.
As such, I assume that my model economy starts with a debt/gdp at a humble 60% to GDP (say in 2010) and that it pays 5% on its entire sovereign debt portfolio. The point here is that while e.g Portugal might have paid 6.7% on its last issuance it does not pay this on its entire portfolio of liabilities. This is also why we have been talking so much as about roll over schedule since if you are so unfortunate that you need to roll over and refinance in times of trouble you are likely to incur a high cost that affects your entire liability side.
Finally, I crucially assume that you can’t have both austerity and growth at the same time. If you want growth it will cost a higher fiscal deficit and if you to run down the fiscal deficit you must endure deflation (negative nominal GDP growth in essence) and it is this latter which the ECB and EU are pushing. Especially this last assumption is absolutely crucial to understand since it is this situation the periphery faces with an internal devaluation in the euro zone (click on all pictures for better viewing).

The bar shows the average from the simulations shown by the line plots. As you can see the numbers are obviously fantasy numbers, but since this an average across many different scenarios where both the fiscal decifit (austerity measures) and growth are dynamic it might not be entirely irrelevant. The set up of these simulations are quite simple. I can change three things in my model; the growth rate, the interest rate, and the budget deficit (primary deficit) [1]. In all the simulations the interest rate is set at 5% and then I build a cross section where I dynamically change the growth rate and budget deficit building in the trade off that you cannot have a low budget deficit and “high growth” at the same time.
Obviously, the results are quite sensitive with respect to how strong you believe the trade-off is between growth and fiscal austerity. I have built in a pretty strong trade off in order to demonstrate what I believe are signficantly worse short term growth dynamics than the consensus. This is also why the model’s result becomes exponential at longer time horizons.
Consider then the debt/GDP dynamics of our model economy in the first 10 years;

Suddenly, the numbers look more realistic but not less scary since you need to remember that this is the average evolution of public debt across all policy mixes (i.e. in a continuum from high growth negative and large budget deficit and low negative growth and fiscal surplus). It is exactly because correcting from within the euro zone imposes this trade off that you end up in a catch 22. Take the example that our model economy manages to realize a constant budget deficit of 6% of GDP which results in a zero growth rate of GDP. In that situation the model predicts a debt/gdp ratio of 160% in 2020 (98% in 2015). It goes without saying that if your initial level of debt is higher, the corresponding level of debt will be corrected up.
I am not presenting this as truisms and prediction tools since evidently economic models are anything but. Instead, they should serve mainly as evidence that bailouts are going to be needed and also sadly that defaults of both the sovereign and private ones are coming and they will be costly.
Finally and just for the sake of argument I thought that I would demonstrate that this model is not simply about exponentially increasing debt/gdp ratios. Consequently, the “good economy” and “bad economy” below both pay 5% on interest on their government bond portfolio but the former has a budget surplus of 3% a year and grows at a rate of 3% a year as well. The latter on the other hand looks more like the periphery with a budget deficit of 5% and a negative growth rate of 1%.

Again, the point is not to extrapolate into the infinite unknown, but to observe that even in the very short run this creates unsustainable debt dynamicsfor the “bad economy”.
—
[1] – So I am being very nice here not even considering interest rate payments on existing debt.
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By Winton Bates, on January 14th, 2011
‘If respect for individual rights were to be shown to lead, not to order and prosperity, but to chaos, the destruction of civilization, and famine, few would uphold such alleged rights, and those who did would certainly be held the enemies of mankind. Those who can see order only when there is a conscious ordering mind – socialists, totalitarians, monarchical absolutists, and the like – fear just such consequences from individual rights. But if it can be shown that a multitude of individuals exercising a set of “compossible” rights … [rights that can exercised at the same time without entailing conflicts] … generates, not chaos, but order, cooperation, and the progressive advance of human well-being, then respect for the dignity and autonomy of the individual would be seen to be not only compatible with, but even a necessary precondition for, the achievement of social coordination, prosperity, and high civilization’ – Tom G Palmer, ‘ The literature of liberty’.
I wish I had written that paragraph. It captures a lot about the relationship between freedom and flourishing that I have been writing about on this blog for the last couple of years. My personal conviction is that individual liberty is necessary to individual flourishing because individual flourishing is an inherently self-directed process. While I seek to persuade others to adopt that view, I recognize that the course of public policy depends much more strongly on public perceptions of the consequences of alternative courses of action.
Much of the discussion in my blog has been about the consequences of freedom or lack of it. I discussed the strong positive relationship between freedom and objective measures of well-being (income, longevity etc) in an early post. The general conclusion from my posts discussing measurement of subjective well-being is that claims sometimes made that the findings of happiness research conflict with these conclusions are simply wrong. Not only do people in countries with relatively high levels of freedom have higher material living standards, they also tend to have higher life satisfaction.
However, even though the existence of a positive general relationship between liberty and well-being now seems to be disputed less frequently, freedom is still under challenge from several different directions. First, there is a challenge to economic freedom associated with the global financial crisis (GFC). The GFC has raised important economic issues about the role of monetary and fiscal policy, the effects on the financial system of the failure of large financial institutions and the effects of different regulatory regimes on behaviour of large financial institutions. Economists will probably still be debating some of these issues in 50 years time, but at this stage it looks to me as though the extent of additional regulation likely to be seriously contemplated will be relatively minor and confined to the financial sector. Not many people are suggesting the nationalization of industry and the introduction of Soviet-style economic planning to prevent future financial crises.
The second challenge to freedom is associated with action to deal with alleged externalities, particularly global emissions of greenhouse gases. Some restriction of freedom is of course justified to discourage activities that impinge on the rights of others. Some of the ways the ‘problem’ of greenhouse gas emissions is being tackled in many countries, however, involve greater than necessary restrictions of economic freedom. This stems from rent-seeking activities of industries, including those favouring particular technologies. The challenge is serious, but probably easier to deal with than previous challenges that many countries have dealt with successfully, including, for example, overcoming opposition to reductions in barriers to international trade.
The third challenge to freedom seems to me to be more fundamental and more serious. It stems from the collectivist idea that governments are responsible for the happiness of citizens, rather than for protecting their rights – including their right to pursue happiness as they think fit. Many people have come to expect governments to act as guardians of their well-being, not only giving financial support in times of need, but also protecting them from making bad decisions. In relying on governments to perform such a role they infringe the liberty of other people who do not want or need such protection.
This challenge to individual liberty seems to come mainly from people who do not mean anyone any harm – people who live among us who want us all to have happier lives. As I write this I am conscious that at times I have actually supported government regulations to protect people from making bad decisions that might adversely affect their well-being. You might have similar memories. Sometimes we may have had reason to be concerned that if people were not compelled to act in what we perceived as ‘their interests’ they would end up imposing a burden on the welfare system or on private charity. That just underlines the point I am making – the greatest challenge to individual liberty comes from people who do not mean anyone any harm.
In modern democracies the choice between liberty and paternalism rests ultimately in the hands of our fellow citizens. The course of public dialogue about such matters turns most crucially on public perceptions of the consequences for human well-being of the policy choices that governments are making. While each public policy decision to restrict liberty and relieve individuals of responsibility for their own actions may seem relatively benign when considered in isolation, that doesn’t mean that the cumulative impact of many such decisions will be benign.
By Christopher Briem, on January 14th, 2011
File today’s news in the “sure bet” file. Big bet it was. The thing is… all those IRR NPV calculations on the cost-benefit of allthose subsidies? Just a tad off in their assumptions I bet. Folks have begun to forget the late 1990’s when support of USAir(ways) and airport based economic development was the key economic strategy for the region and remained so for much of that decade. Maybe we should file it all under “industry targeting”. My inner Libertarian might superficially point out a correlation between the escalation of local subsidies and the airline’s local demise. The simpler truth may just be that the bigger they are, the harder they fall.
News references to USAirways employment in the Pittsburgh region
1981: “more than 4,500”
1987: “more than 7,000”
1989: “9,600”
1990: “11,500”
1991: 11,900
1992: “about 14,000” (I think that refers to the state)
1994: 12,000
1995: 11,382
1996: 11,287
1997: 11,739
1998: 12,000
2000: “11,700″
2001 “12,000 locally”
2002: “about 9,000”
2003: “close to 9,000”
2005: “more than 7,500”
2006: “2,847”
2007 “about 2,700”
2007: “just 2,000″
2008: “about 1,800”
2010: “about 2,020”
Hey, look… we’re trending up. Let’s extrapolate that. Better yet, let’s put a quadratic on that.
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By B.P.T., on January 14th, 2011
At 8:30 AM EST, the Consumer Price Index report for December will be released. The consensus is that CPI increased by 0.4% last month, with a 0.1% increase in CPI when food and energy are removed.
Also at 8:30 AM EST, the Retail Sales report for December will be released. The consensus is that retail sales increased 0.8% from November, after a 0.8% increase last month.
At 9:15 AM EST, the Industrial Production report for December will be released. The consensus is that there will be an increase 0f 0.5% in production and an increase of 0.4% in industrial capacity utilization.
At 9:55 AM EST, Consumer Sentiment for the first half of January will be announced. The consensus is that the index will be at 75, which would be an improvement of 0.5 points from the level reported in the second half of last month.
At 10:00 AM EST, the Business Inventories report for November will be released. The consensus is that inventories increased 0.7% from October.
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